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Born on Feb. 25, 1920 at ASKARDU in Baltistan across the Himalayas, situated on the banks of the Sindhu (Indus) at the height of 7000 feet above sea level. It was then the winter capital of the Ladakh province of Jammu & Kashmir state of which, Leh capital town of Ladakh province was the summer capital. It too was situated near the Indus at the height of about 11000 feet above the sea level. His father Jagannath Madhok who hailed from village Jallen, in Gujranwala district of West Punjab had joined the state service after graduation from F.C. College, Lahore was then posted in Ladakh and had to move between Askardu and Leh. Thus Balraj lived his early childhood there. His mother, Saraswati Devi was an accomplished housewife. However, his education began at Srinagar the summer capital of J & K state. After matriculation, he moved to Prince of Wales College, Jammu in 1936 and D.A.V. College, Lahore for higher education. He stood first in the Punjab University in B.A. Honours in history examination in 1940 and was awarded a gold medal and a scholarship of Rs. 25 per month for his postgraduation studies.
A good athlete and hockey player, Balraj came in touch with Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangh�R.S.S in 1938. He became its whole time worker in 1942, set up a R.S.S. network in Jammu in 1942�43 and moved on to Kashmir valley in 1944. Besides R.S.S. work, he joined D.A.V. College�Srinagar. Speaking to his students on August 15, 1947 on Partition, he described it as artificial, temporary and predicted that Pakistan will remain a sworn enemy of India so long as it survives and that a decisive war between India and Pakistan was inevitable.
He played a key role in preparing the ground for accession of the state to India and defence of Srinagar from Pak invaders and agents in crucial days. He opposed the handing over of power to Sheikh Abdullah who had declared on the evening of October 1947, on an Indian Air Force plane that Kashmir will consider the question of accession to India after it had completed its Independence. Sheikh Abdullah did not say a word about the accession of the state to India by the Maharaja and sacrifices of the Indian jawans and officers who had saved the state from falling into the hands of the invaders. Abdullah had planned to liquidate Prof. Madhok but a timely tip enabled him to escape from Srinagar.
Madhok founded Jammu Praja Parishad in November 1947; visited Delhi to meet Sardar Patel and Pt. Nehru in February 1948 to apprise them of the mischievous anti India plans and policies of Abdullah. The Sheikh externed him from the state in March 1948 and drove out his father who had settled in Jammu after retirement. This was an inhuman example of oppression and a violation of human rights.
Madhok was in wilderness for two years. He founded Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and edited “Organiser” in 1948�49. He joined Punjab University Camp College, New Delhi in early 1950. He wrote “Kashmir Divided”, the most authentic record of developments in Kashmir. It was published in 1950.
Madhok came into contact with Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee and prepared the ground for the formation of Bhartiya Jana Sangh. He wrote its manifesto and acted as a convener of the foundation convention of Bharatiya Jana Sangb held at New Delhi on 21 October 1951. He was appointed national Secretary of Jana Sangh. He was detained in jail in March 1953 and released only on the orders of the Supreme court. He accompanied Dr. Mookerjee upto Jallandhar on his last journey in May 1953 to Jammu & Kashmir. He was detained again and released after martyrdom of Dr. Mookerjee in June 1953.
Madhok was elected to the second Lok Sabha from New Delhi Constituency in early 1961. In a speech made in the Loka Sabha he demanded the resignation of Nehru, the Prime Minister of India. He made a mark as a distinguished Parliamentarian. He was elected as National President of Jana Sangh in 1965 and began the process of alliance with like minded parties. He was elected to the fourth Lok Sabha in 1967. Jana Sangh emerged as a national alternative to the Congress by getting 10 percent of the vote polled in the fourth general election.
Prof. Madhok was succeeded by Deen Dayal Upadhyay as the national President of the Jana Sangh in December, 1967. Unfortunately, Upadhyay met a mysterious death on 11 February 1968.
His dead body was found in the yard of Mughal Sarai railway Station. Prof. Madhok visited the site. Vajpayee, who accompanied him, dropped out at Varanasi. Senior officers, including D.M., A.D.M., S.P. & S.S.P., of Banaras confirmed that it was a case of murder and not an accident. According to S.S.P. some top party leaders were privy to the crime says Professor Madhok.
Vajpayee was nominated as new Jana Sangh President by Bala Sahib Deoras, the new general secretary of the R.S.S. Vajpayee ridiculed the murder theory and asked Madhok to call it an accident and not murder. Madhok refused to toe the lie and make any compromise with truth. Thereafter he was asked to resign from primary membership of Jana Sangh. Madhok refused.
Madhok had moved a resolution on Indianisation of Muslim and other anti national elements at Patna session of Jana Sangh in December 1969. The nation needed complete Indianisation. Madhok wrote the book “Indianisation” to explain the concept. It had a tremendous impact. Around this time, there was a split in the Congress. There was an alliance among Jana Sangh, Swantantra, and Congress (O).
A shadow cabinet was proposed in which Madhok was to be the Defence Minister. Vajpayee was not included in this shadow cabinet. On this move Indira Gandhi was unnerved, reminisces Professor Madhok.
She dissolved the Lok Sabha and ordered a mid- term general election in early 1971. There was rigging on a huge scale with the help of chemicalised pre-stamped ballot papers. Madhok was defeated. This was the most unexpected victory for Gandhi and Nehruvian elements in Jana Sangh.
At the 1973 Kanpur session of Jana Sangh a conspiracy was hatched to throw out Madhok from the Jana Sangh. During the Emergency, Madhok was detained under MISA for 18 months. In the meanwhile, Janata Party was formed by negative elements of Congress ‘O’, Jana Sangh and Lok Dal. For the election, Madhok was refused a ticket and was kept out of Parliament. Then the President of India, Sanjeeva Reddy, offered to nominate him to Rajya Sabha. Madhok declined the offer of a back door entry.
Thereafter Madhok devoted himself to revive Jana Sangh. The Jana Sangh group in the Janata Party formed a new Janata Party under the name of “Bhartiya Janata Party” at Bombay in 1980. Vajpayee became its first President.
Indira Gandhi won the election in 1980 and came to power again. Madhok wrote “Rationale of Hindu State”. On reading the book, Indira Gandhi invited Madhok to join her cabinet. He expressed his unwillingness. Was it a mistake?
Sadly, Indira Gandhi was assassinated in 1984. After the election, Bhartiya Janata Party was wiped out. It got only two seats in Lok Sabha. There was re thinking in the B.J.P. and it returned to the ideology of Jana Sangh. It took up the Ram Mandir issue. B.J.P. won 68 seats in 1989 election, 143 seats in 1993 election. Further in 1998 election it won 183 seats and formed a coalition government under A.B. Vajpayee.
Jana Sangh continues as a movement of thought. Prafull Goradia became General Secretary in 2004. Madhok who enters 88th year of his life on 25 February 2007 continues to play the role of an elder statesman and President of Bhartiya Jana Sangh.
It seems the only people genuinely interested in finding out the truth about Upadhyaya’s death are his family.
1. Guys, you may feel startled but this is sure to happen. Read on!
2. The country was divided into Muslim Pakistan and Secular India in 1947. Hindus lost India by then.
3. In the years since partition Hindus were getting converted into secular, Muslim and Christians.
4. If Hindus do not wake up now, take up arms and fight for their own land they will perish in the next 20 years.
5. Modi Bhakts are our curse in causing Hindu disunity. Next election will be disaster for BJP.
6. By next election Hindus will find themselves in a political vaccuum.
7. Secularised Hindus will be the first step to conversion to Islam. See WB, Kerala.
8. There will be Akhandabharatam again in 20 years but all Muslim from Africa to Indonesia!
9. Every surviving temple we have got will be destroyed to dust by the frenzied Mohammedans.
10. By then Europe will be Ummah when India also falls into the hands of Jihadis.
11. Using India as the launching pad Islam will attack China using Chinese converts.
12. When they attack Israel, Israel will use nuclear weapons and 3rd world war will start.
13. Strangely US and Russia will join hands again in this war too!
14. Will the world survive then is anybody’s guess.
15. The timeframe may be a bit changing by few years but not long not very long and the substance is sure to happen.
As it stands at present, the Indian economy is headed for a crisis and a crash by early 2016. The government needs a Crisis Management Team of politicians and economists who are rooted in Indian ethos and not compliant to finance institutions like the IMF and the World Bank
When is an economy in a tailspin? It is when its rudder and Global Positioning System (GPS) malfunction. For an aircraft, it means hurtling down while spiralling to a crash. Such a crash happens very fast and without much notice. For example, East Asian nations such as Japan, South Korea and Philippines were growing very fast during the 1975-95 period, the growth rates of their Gross Domestic Product (GDP) exceeding 10 per cent per year. Japan was slated to overtake the U.S. by 2005.
The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) termed it an “East Asian Miracle” in their publications and called it a model for other nations like India. However, in 1997, a sudden financial blowout knocked out these countries and all the talk of miracle evaporated. Japan is yet to recover from that blowout.
As it stands at present, the Indian economy is headed for a crisis and a crash. The likely date is by early 2016 in my estimation. Can a course correction today rectify and rescue the economy from a crash? Yes, of course, but only if there are short-term and long-term prescriptions to be followed. Does the Narendra Modi government have such contingency prescriptions ready? Not as of now.
Prescriptions for the crisis
What then are my prescriptions? First, the government must constitute a Crisis Management Team (CMT) of politicians and economists who understand the dynamics of Indian society and, more importantly, the general equilibrium calculus of an economy. At present, there is no such team in place. The economists in the government today are mostly ‘hand-me-downs’ from the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government, and are all of the IMF/World Bank vintage.
These are institutions which had miserably failed to either foresee or rectify the financial crises in Latin America in the 1970s; in East Asia in late 1990s; and even in the U.S. —where these two institutions are headquartered — in 2008. IMF/World Bank studies are of value only as tabular, statistical compilations and no more. Hence, the CMT has to consist of those who are rooted in the ethos of India and not compliant to international financial institutions.
Second, to know what crisis-managing reforms to initiate, we must first know which problem to focus on and prioritise for action. In my considered opinion, the following questions deserve immediate answers and consequent policy rectification:
a) Despite crude oil prices having crashed and the dollar value of the rupee having dropped in a steep devaluation, why have both exports and imports, especially the former in 23 of the 30 commodity groups, declined steadily over the last 14 months?
b) Why have household savings, which were the bulk of national domestic investments, dropped from a high of 34 per cent of GDP in 2005 to 28 per cent of GDP in 2015?
c) Why have the Non-Performing Assets (NPAs) of the public sector banks risen so sharply, in fact at a rate much higher than the rate of the new advances made by these banks?
d) When the economy needs about a $1 trillion investment in infrastructure to render ‘Make in India’ a reality, why is the actual investment in just 75 projects in Financial Year 2015-16 valued at Rs.42,749 crore, less than the amount invested in 2005-06, which was Rs.44,511 crore?
e) Why has the manufacturing sector, which provides the bulk of employment to the skilled and semi-skilled labour force, grown at an abysmally low rates of between 2 per cent and 5 per cent?
f) Why, when India’s agricultural products are among the cheapest in the world despite a low yield per hectare, are we not able to double the production and export the products abroad?
To address these priority problems, it is essential to implement a menu of measures to uplift the household sentiments by abolishing the personal income tax; by lowering the cost of capital, by reducing the prime lending interest rates of banks to below 10 per cent; by shifting to a fixed exchange rate of Rs.50 per dollar for the financial year 2016; and lowering the exchange rate further for subsequent years; by abolishing Participatory Notes while invoking the U.N. Resolution of 2005 to bring back black money of about $1 trillion; and by printing rupee notes to fully finance basic infrastructure projects.
Incidentally, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) Governor, Raghuram Rajan, has single-handedly brought a huge slowdown to the Indian manufacturing sector and exports. As a doctor, he has believed that the best way to bring down the temperature of a patient (i.e., inflation) is to kill him (investment starvation).
By raising and keeping interest rates high and hence making the cost of capital prohibitive, he has killed the essential manufacturing investments in Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) and in export ventures. The Prime Minister is best advised to replace him with someone like Dr. R Vaidyanathan who is presently Professor of Finance in the Indian Institute of Management-Bangalore (IIM-B).
The CMT should also initiate steps for transforming agriculture into a globalised sector by providing adequate infrastructure to export food and milk to Europe and the U.S.
In the long run, we need to tap the advantages we have in our demographic dividend. Through innovation, we must tap our vast Thorium deposits for clean electricity generation and thus end power shortage; set up desalination plants along our long coastline to provide adequate water for coastal States; overcome technological issues and build a water grid by linking major rivers, from Ganga to Cauvery, through canals; and develop new alternative technologies such as hydrogen fuel cells to provide an environmentally friendly substitute to petroleum products.
Alternative ideological thrust
As I have written before, including in The Hindu, the government also needs to give an alternative ideological thrust to economic policy rather than trying to improve up the past failed UPA economic policies. In particular:
a) The individual has to be persuaded by the state through incentives and not through coercion.
b) India can make rapid economic progress to become a developed country only through a globally competitive economy which requires assured access to the markets and technological innovations of the United States and some of its allies such as Israel and Japan. This has concomitant political obligations which must be accepted as essential.
c) Such rapid progress would require a national security strategy for a peaceful environment.
d) The Indian state has to be minimalist in regulatory interventions in social and economic matters; maximalist in providing the quality of life needs; and optimal in the maintenance of law and order.
e) The key goal of the state has to be to empower the individual through a modern education system that gives importance to both material and spiritual progress.
f) An ethos developed on the concepts of trusteeship of wealth, philanthropy and voluntary group action encouraged by religious sanction for the better distribution of income and for minimising economic contradictions and deprivation.
g) At present, generally, the Indian has loyalty to the family but is apathetic to the community where he lives. There are character flaws that have come from two centuries of deprivation and are incompatible with a people forming a great nation. These flaws can be rectified by developing a strong and coherent concept of national identity whose defining characteristics can be culled from a correct perception of Indian history.
India has always come out of crises renewed and on a higher growth path. The food crisis of 1965-67 led to Green Revolution self sufficiency in food, and the foreign exchange crisis of 1990-91 led to economic reforms, enabling the country to move away from Soviet-style statism to market system and high growth rates.
Thus, the present imminent economic crash should galvanise the way we do business and make us rise to new heights through innovation and achieve high growth rates with financial stability.
(Subramanian Swamy is a former Union Cabinet Minister for Commerce and professor of economics.)